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A postscript to Hindutva 2.0

I recently wrote down some thoughts on Hindutva & The Indian Political Landscape 2.0. This quick post elaborates on the dynamic between Hindutva and individual rights.

It is clear that many, if not most, of India’s current social tensions are a result of its Founding Fathers’ failed experiment with consociationalism. Predictably when your goal is for policies to be based on group identities, policy-makers’ incentives get warped, leading to concessions to the “strongest” groups – those able to consolidate best take the most benefits from this arrangement. It is therefore not a surprise that affirmative action then has largely been used by dominant castes to benefit their clansmen and accumulate jobs and other benefits that come from India’s reservations. Also the reason why India’s Muslims are so attractive to the political parties that have learnt the art of milking consociationalism by organizing themselves into big monolithic voting blocs.

That the policy-makers are elected by FPTP system, the worst aspects of consociationalism get magnified even further. One solution is greater empowerment of the individual – freedom of speech, expression for every individual will take away the veto power of groups who are more inclined and able to wield violent tactics to dominate others. This should be acceptable to both the urban liberal elite and the Sangh karyakartas trying to forge an Indian group identity of Hindutva to keep power away from smaller, but more cohesive groups they’re fighting against. Once you take out concessions/rights based on groups, incentives to break into groups are lost.

Traditionalists will argue that greater individualism can lead to weaker families and communities, making the individual less rooted, as many individuals may not take up with responsibility for more than oneself along with individual rights – pointing to America. However, this is where Hindutva-wadis will benefit from individualism – America doesn’t have an ancient identity/culture/tradition to fall back to as every American’s common denominator . Closest attempt to forge an identity was the yearning for the American dream – an economic concept that ebbs and flows with business cycles. Hence tougher to pull off. Individualism provides the opportunity for Hindutva to bind the Hindu society together by making Hindutva the lowest common denominator of individuals, and in the process taking out Hindutva’s biggest rival – bigger, more frictional groups within the Hindu realm unable to coalesce together

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Hindutva & The Indian Political Landscape 2.0

Preface: It was almost six years ago that I wrote my initial thoughts down about Hindutva. My limited worldview at the time, combined with deference for political correctness, forced me to be suffocative. The below should elaborate my positions somewhat (although maybe I will be apologetic about this too come 2025 #YogijiRoxx)

Hindutva, circa 2019, is all but dead. I.e. the word Hindutva itself. Now the debate is simply reduced to nationalists vs. anti-nationalists. The beliefs of Hindutva’s proponents however have never been more mainstream and as things stand, have won over the hollow secularism of the last three decades. Yogi Adityanath, an unabashed Hindu nationalist is the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, BJP has now ruled over Kashmir for the first time in Independent India’s history, movies with slogans of ‘Har Har Mahadeva‘ and the Bhagva Dhwaj are earning 100s of crores at the box office, and the Indian media is finally paying lip service to nationalism after figuring out what the middle class wants.Dyu_qV-V4AA9iw2

However, the issues at the forefront for the voter remain far from cultural, and stuck rooted in the economy. Given BJP’s spectacular losses in the heartland in late 2018, what is the status of the Hindutva project?

First things first, Hindutva remains the rallying cry of millions of subalterns. The craze of, what the Indian left would call, Hindu chauvinist pop culture has never been more pronounced. The unabashed display of it in our metropolitan cities has only come about recently – and for someone who was not around during the heydays of the Ram Janmabhoomi Movement, this is especially the case. Not to fall for availability bias but social media has contributed the most towards the overton window expanding and the mainstream accepting the the Hindu traditionalist worldview. However, the lack of a nation-building perspective is showing in the lack of animal spirits in the economy. Instead of voting for something greater than oneself, voters despite partaking in a cultural revival remain myopic when it comes to elections and vote based on their MSP for crops, loan-waivers, and petrol prices.

In finance, there is a concept that reduces even the most profitable potential investments for investors to become unsavory. The sovereign risk factor is a big component when it comes to investors calculating their prospective returns while assessing whether or not to invest in projects that people would consider ‘development-related’. The weaker the rule of law, enforcement of contracts, and exit rights, etc. the higher the sovereign risk, and the more expensive it is to raise capital to fund Vikaas. Hindutva not only provides an identity to millions, but also acts as a means to reduce this sovereign risk. It acts as a bulwark against those that seek to destabilize the Indian society given a common focus on bettering one’s country can even lift a country that was Nuked to become a superpower. Relative peace provides a conducive environment for investment, which leads to growth, which if followed for a long period, leads to eventual prosperity. Countries that have avoided the middle income trap have all had a homogenous identity, whether it is Japan, Taiwan, Korea, and now China. Therefore, when citizens combine and contribute towards the development of their nation, they support a bigger cause than themselves, their immediate family, community, and their gods. Betterment of fellow Indians is part of India’s civilizational Hindu ethos, feeling proud to belong to your country is nationalism, and seeking inspiration in your past to relive the glory days along with the betterment and pride of being associated with an ancient civilization is Hindutva.

To support Hindutva is as much about understanding what you stand against than what you stand for… today Hindutva’s critics range from Marxist, CCCP bootlickers at The Hindu The Wire et al., to LeT’s Hafiz Saeed, to PFI in Kerala that chops off hands and bleeds to death Hindus that protest against their crass conversion techniques. Other critics include the loony Western SJWs that conflate Hitler’s hooked cross with the 6000-year old Swastika symbol of Hindu hospitality. Opposition would have been ok if the critics opposed an ideology, however as the opposition by the ‘educated’ left in the U.S. over Tulsi Gabbard’s POTUS candidacy has shown, conflating hate and ignorance about Hindutva naturally leads to Hinduphobia and ignorant bigotry against the Hindu faith. Therefore, by not allying with Hindutva, one opens themselves to be used as a useful idiot by its critics. While tribalism is not ideal, that is the world we’re living in so might as well pick the right tribe.

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So what next for Hindutva? The fast changing demographics of India, including some populous regions such as Western Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Assam, and Mewat show that the window for Hindutva to rescue India and avoid social tensions is extremely short. Kerala’s example shows that the previously-held theory of linear drop in TFRs with increased education/wealth simply doesn’t hold for India’s biggest minority community. Eric Kaufmann’s ‘Shall the Religious Inherit the Earth‘ should wake up anyone still in slumber about the demographic changes India is about to face.

Having been dealt such a weak hand, Hindu traditionalists must accelerate Hindu Asmita programs – whether it be the rebuilding of the Bhavya Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, or the recognition of Hinduism’s expansive influence across IndoChina, Tibet, Central Asia, Japan, and Korea. The coalescence of a Hindu identity is only possible by returning the Asmita of calling oneself Hindu – Garv Se Kaho Hum Hindu Hain! Not only would this bridge the faultlines that Hinduism’s opponents seek to establish through caste wars, but it would also bring focus to solving issues facing the country as a whole. As inequality across states grows, the Hindutva project will increasingly depend on the haves funding the have-nots; the middle class paying for the poor’s gas connections, the Tamilian paying for the Bihari’s education, and the Marwari paying for the Naga’s highways. Without Asmita there is no one identity, and without the common identity there is no nation-building. The Statue of Unity must soon be followed by Statues of Bravery, off the coast of Mumbai, in Amritsar, Gwalior, and Guwahati.

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Finally, Hindutva’s proponents have routinely given up too much in return for too little. For the chimera of peaceful coexistence through non-confrontation, the Hindutva movement has brought itself to a state of emasculation. The hollowing of intellectual support via the creation of generations of zombies through the RTE and introduction of ‘value education’ during UPA years, there’s an increasingly aloof and ill-informed youth population. For example, while this author has previously raised the unconstitutionality of the ban on cow slaughter for individual rights, shouldn’t the question not be why can we not have the same level of affection towards cows, especially given their reverence and being a source of steady dairy income for poor pastoralists, that we have for other pet animals. Why must the Yulin dog eating festival in China raise a stink for my Bandra friends, but not the thievery of the cow smuggling industry?

By looking at Hindu practices solely from a constitutional perspective, practicing Hinduism in India today has become onerous – whether it is the loss of private property rights of a famous temple such as Sabarimala or the regular bans on Hindu celebrations such as Dahi Handi, the secularists have made incursions across Hindu society. And what is this constitution that gets trumped about? Are they referring to the current version #103 with hundred amendments that have diluted the document’s original intent? A complete review of this constitution is sorely needed – one that creates a democratic system for the Indian experience, a monarchic adult franchise system that rewards saintlike devotion to the prosperity of the nation, not very different from the Meiji restoration that gave Japan its scientific bent without sacrificing its civilizational identity. It is Hindutva’s responsibility to wield power in such a way that the nation prospers and it is the nation’s interest that Hindutva prospers. After all as Yogiji would say:

“धर्म एक दीर्घकालीन राजनीति है और राजनीति अल्पकालीन धर्म है”

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A New Bahu-Bully in Town

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If you were ever into sports growing up, you would remember there were largely three category of kids at the playground – the bullies: who, well, bullied, threatened, and pushed the weak around at will; the weak were divided into two: those who sucked up to the bullies (let’s call them “conniving weak”) and the other weak who were only weak in stature but not attitude (“foolish weak”) and would naively pick fights with the conniving weak and the bullies on moral grounds. The conniving weak received “protection” from the bullies they sucked up to when other bullies and/or the other weak threatened them. That left the foolish weak in a very precarious position – they either had to become strong over time to stand up to the bullies or simply whine to their teachers on how they were right and others wrong.

If the world were one big geopolitical playground, India would fall under the third category – the foolish weak. Since independence, India has been trying hard to raise its profile around the world. First under its foolish first PM using a morally superior but logically stupid umbrella of non-alignment with other weak countries and then slowly as it realized that naiveté of being foolishly weak doesn’t get you anywhere, with building its military complex. During this time, India has beaten its other weak, but conniving, neighbor, Pakistan, in 1948, 1965, and 1999 wars and breaking the neighbor apart in 1971 and capturing 90,000 of its soldiers as POWs. The one time India fought a bully in 1962 on moral grounds it was beaten black and blue, despite the heroic fight it had put up.

However, over time India was able to build a strong enough military capacity such that the bullies started taking note and started avoiding picking fights with it. As such, this didn’t stop its conniving neighbor, who still enjoyed protection from United States and China for their own geostrategic and economic reasons, to mount terror attacks and continue down its long-term strategy of hurting India with a thousand cuts. During this time, India was able to build a strong enough military capacity to stand up to not just the other weak players but also some bullies. Except, the ruling class was still cowardly and foolish in its approach, thinking moral uprightness and out of context ancient platitudes like “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam“, “Ahimsa parmo Dharma” could earn it respect in the global playground.

Not only was the ruling class’ cowardliness foolish, but it also incriminated the elites in the murder of their own people – terror attacks killed 31 innocent men, women and children in Akshardham in 2002, burnt 57 men, women, and children alive in Godhra in 2002 causing widespread communal riots, 52 in Mumbai’s local train bombings in 2003, 70 in Delhi, 21 in Varanasi, 209 in 2006 Mumbai local train bombings, over 300 in 2008, and approximately 200 more since then. The blood of these innocent people was on the terrorists propped up by Pakistan, but also on ruling class of Indian politicians, opinion makers, and the elite who never traveled by public transport, an easy target for terrorists, rarely visited temples, and often found security due to their status in society. They meekly accepted that India had to pay the price of being a weak state with no options to deter such flagrant abuses by its neighbors.

Until a man with a humble background arrived on the scene and brought with him a bluster that terrified many across the border. Narendra Modi became the Prime Minister of India with a thumping mandate in an election where he was projected as a strong leader, a bully. At first many, including his supporters (or “bhakts” as the this ruling class likes to call them – not a very subtle way of hiding their deep Hinduphobia but I digress), sometimes more vociferously than others, questioned why this strong leader was continuing down the path of using diplomacy and moral uprightness as a tool of dealing with playground bullies and their weak puppets. In retrospect, road shows by Modi around the western world were helpful in showing to the world how India was no longer  a weak society, both economically and socially.  This also served to remind other countries of dehyphenating India from its weak petulant neighbor and see it in its own light.

And that’s why when 20 of India’s soldiers were murdered in their sleep by proxies from Pakistan earlier this month, the world was watching to see if India meant business or not, and Indians themselves questioned really how strong was their strong leader. Initially India opened the door to isolating Pakistan globally by pleading its case to world powers – who by now were very well aware of Pakistan’s perfidy in playing good-and-bad terrorist games, but had limited support to offer India. The focus then shifted to bolder measures to punish Pakistan. Modi mentioned that blood and water can’t flow together – A not so subtle reference to the Indus Water Treaty which India, under its foolishly weak first PM, had signed with Pakistan giving it more than proportional rights to the rivers flowing from India to Pakistan, in an effort to placate Pakistan and hope its attitude changed in the face of such generosity from its bigger neighbor. It didn’t. India also looked at reviewing the Most Favored Nation trade status that it had given Pakistan. Everyone thought India was back to being a feeble and weak state as it had been all along.

Everyone, except India’s national security strategists who were doing a thorough reconnaissance of terrorist infrastructure to target if the Indian leaders chose to go that route. This is when Narendra Modi showed to the world that he was indeed the strong leader ready to leverage India’s now strengthened military muscle and give it back to the terrorist sympathizers using surgical strikes to target specific locations within enemy territory. There was no moral high ground, only business. No platitudes only action. Yes, similar surgical strikes had taken place in the past under previous governments but none had the cajones to come out in the public and announce to the world that India was no longer willing to be a coward, a foolishly weak state, clinging on to some moral high ground. Killing of its innocent citizens would be avenged by the killing of murderers and their supporters. After all the full ancient Hindu shlok goes:

Ahimsa Paramo Dharma

Dharma himsa tathaiva cha

Non-violence is the ultimate dharma. So too is violence in service of Dharma. As a result of the surgical strikes, there is likely to be some reprisals from the now jittery Pakistani establishment. But India has now signaled that attacks on it will not be taken meekly but will be responded with force. Longer term, the deterrence created by this act will likely improve the security conditions in the country, eventually giving businesses a respite from the threat of violence that had circulated over Indian cities and towns in recent years. India was beginning to take its initial steps into becoming a strong power, a Bahu-bully. And this time the new bully in town comes with moral uprightness as well.

The idea of Pakistan and its bête noir: Narendra Damodardas Modi

This post also appeared on the Sword of Truthhttp://swordoftruth.in/the-idea-of-pakistan-and-its-bete-noir-narendra-damodardas-modi/

Defended by the high Himalayas in the north and absence of natural harbors in the south, Akhand Bharat (Undivided India) enjoyed a secure existence for the most part of its multi-millennial civilizational history. The fortune of having natural borders, along with a fertile landmass, formed a unique homogenous civilizational identity, without the looming threat and onslaught of exogenous violence. This allowed its inhabitants, having lived together for thousands of years, to create a rich sense of togetherness that gave coherence to a unique worldview from the upper reaches of the Indus and Ganges to the lower plains of Kaveri and Narmada.

Despite the linguistic and cultural idiosyncrasies of its inhabitants and some sporadic invasions, the homogeneity in civilizational identity gave the Indic civilization a period of consensus building in philosophical matters, eventually forming the fundamentals of a civilization whose ideas and worldview would inspire many founders of both scientific thoughts and metaphysical creeds.

Thus, for a civilization which had learned to accommodate differences of linguistic and cultural identity for thousands of years, a partition of its ancient territorial expanse along the lines of recently acquired identities had to be acrimonious and artificial. By creating a new country in Pakistan, the British placated an ideology that demanded creation of nation states along fluid identities of faith/religion. This led to spiraling of conflicts in countries where religious fanatics rejected their shared cultural and ethnic histories for their ‘narrow fluid religious identities, demanding state policy-making to be driven by religious identities. As Akhand Bharat witnessed in 1947, political struggle to enforce selective religious identities would stoke widespread violence across an otherwise homogenous expanse.

Although Akhand Bharat had seen religious violence on many occasions, one example being in the aftermath of the Khilafat movement, riots against the Hindu landowners perpetrated by Moplah Muslims in Kerala, the idea of two separate nations based on their demographical religious identities only started gaining ground in the run up to Independence in early 1940s. At the time, the most vociferous supporter of this argument for faith-based identity and biggest proponent of the separate nation argument was the father of modern day Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah – a third generation Muslim, whose paternal grandfather belonged to a Gujarati Hindu community of rich businessmen. His argument for the separation of Hindu and Muslim majority nations would have to wait until India’s 67th Independence Day, to finally be put to bed by another Gujarati.

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The Two Nation Theory

In the late 1930s and early 40s neo-converts, led by astute political leaders like Jinnah, raised the plank for separate nationhood for Muslims, making organized religion their primary identity. The separatists argued that a Hindu majority India, where once a Hindu ruler had commissioned building of the world’s second oldest Islamic mosque[i], was no longer safe for adherents of Islam and its followers. In the backdrop of global events such as the Khilafat movement and the subsequent rise of Salafism, some adherents of Islam in Akhand Bharat argued that a land with majority non-Muslims could not promise safety to its minorities, even though there was centuries’ worth of shared civilizational evidence to refute such a fantastical theory.

The ideology of nation states based on religion-based identity received a major setback when India upon Independence, declared itself to be a secular nation guaranteeing equal rights to adherents of all faiths, religions, and communities, not just the majority community. In doing so, India rejected differentiation based on religious and communal lines and accepted the idea of a philosophically amalgamated, yet communally heterogeneous society – a melting pot of regional and linguistic cultures which blended together to form a pan-Indian identity. This opened the doors for any like-minded people who believed in the ancient Hindu ideals of equal respect for people of all creeds to reject Pakistan and remain with their ethnic, cultural, and historical neighbors in India.

However, the die had already been cast. In the face of violent struggle, modern India had to pay a tangible price to defend its plurality against those who sought a path of identity ghettoization – By carving-out a portion of its ancient civilizational lands in the Sapta Sindhu (literally, seven rivers; metaphorically the landmass drained by seven rivers from one sea to another defended by high mountains) from Pushkalwati (modern day Peshawar) and Takshashila (modern day Taxila) in its Northwest areas to mUlasthAnapura (modern day Multan) and Hinglaj in the south of Pakistan. In the ensuing post-partition events, Baluchistan and Pakhtunkhwa provinces were swiftly annexed by Pakistan under the pretext of a shared religion-based identity, while similar pickets were flared in India, mainly in Junagadh, Kashmir, and Deccan (Hyderabad). However, despite the disintegration of its ancient geographical boundaries, newly-independent India was able to maintain its larger civilizational identity by de-linking the State from organized religion, something that would go a long way in securing its cultural as well as economic future.

This idea of two-nation theory of separate faith-based identities continued to receive setbacks long after partition. The idea that Muslims across the ethnic and geographical spectrum could harbor nationalistic aspirations towards a singular nation solely due to their shared religious identities was discredited when Bengalis in East-Pakistan rejected the writ of the Pakistani state and declared themselves independent in 1971 to form Bangladesh. While India remained on course its ancient experience of respecting and encouraging linguistic and cultural idiosyncrasies to survive, Pakistan under the garb of forced homogenization based on an infantile identity of religion and faith had completely ignored the cultural differences of their faraway cousins in East-Pakistan. The fact that people in Indian states of Jammu & Kashmir and Hyderabad continued to participate in democratic elections of India, despite their Muslim majority population and constant indoctrination from Pakistan, was further proof that the idea of India’s civilizational identity over a narrow faith-based identity had won. Yet Pakistan and the proponents of the two-nation theory – India’s ‘liberal’ romantics continued to fool themselves about the threat to the minority from an aggressive Hindu majoritarian political movement, while ignoring the plight of the people of Baluchistan, Baltistan, and Pakhtunkhwa.

The Final Nail in the Coffin

In the following decades of 1980s and 1990s, India would see repeated communal and religious flare-ups as a result of the Indian government’s brazen appeasement of faith-based identities (read: the Shah Bano episode[ii] and the Khalistan movement[iii]) and its subsequent backlash. This period resulted in a political resurgence of the Hindu Right, as India’s civilizational foundation found itself being targeted yet again by religious fanatics looking for preferential treatment in the name of the old faith-based identities.

The idea that Hindu majoritarianism would eventually discard religious minority rights, that a far-right Hindu organization, once it achieves enough political and legislative power, would persecute minorities, the idea that was used to create a separate nation in 1947 was again floated about. But this idea in some ways reminiscent of the two-nation argument was suitably buried on August 15, 2014, when arguably the most popular figure in the history of the political Hindu Right, delivered a speech on the occasion of India’s 67th Independence Day, a speech that would go on to cement his credentials as a guardian of India’s millennia-old ethos.

The speech was symbolic in that – here was a man, an alleged poster boy of Hindu chauvinism for some, a Hindu Hriday Samrat, emperor of Hindu hearts, for others; standing at the ramparts of the Red Fort in Delhi, capital of the last Islamic Dynasty of Akhand Bharat, giving his first speech to the nation as the Prime Minister of India. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, a lifelong member and former Pracharak of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (“RSS”), a nationalist volunteer corps consistently accused by its opponents of majoritarianism; delivered a speech that took pride in India’s ancient civilizational heritage and its melting pot of identities while exhorting Indians to build an India on modern ideals of liberty, individualism and freedom. It was a seminal moment, because it put the final nail in the coffin of the argument used to give credence to the idea of Pakistan, and thus the two-nation theory. Here was a man – leader of the party associated most with Hindu majoritarianism, having recently won a thumping majority in the Indian legislature – delivering paeans on communal harmony and betterment of people of all religious identities along the lines of India’s ancient ethos from the times of the Rig Veda:

Índraṃ mitráṃ váruṇam agním āhur átho divyáḥ sá suparṇó garútmān;

Ékaṃ sád víprā bahu dhāva danty agníṃ yamáṃ mātaríśvānam āhuḥ.

“It is understood from time immemorial that the truth is one; sages call it by different Names…” (Rig Veda, 1-164-146)

Prime Minister Narendra Modi delivered a carte blanche to the idea of mutual existence and appreciation of rights of all Indians of all faiths, asking Indians to work together in building a liberal, progressive and developed nation standing tall on the fundamentals of communal harmony and religious freedom. His speech focused on the betterment of Indian society as whole, sought development for all, and poverty alleviation directed towards all Indians, through improved skill development, health, sanitation, and financial inclusion as opposed to an ideology that prescribed handing out welfare doles to communities based on their narrow fluid identities of faith and religion. An alleged Hindu majoritarian government was successfully showing that it would respect the delinking of State and religion better than its ‘secular’ predecessors.

Prime Minister Modi backed his words immediately by launching a financial inclusion scheme that did not differentiate between communities in its implementation. Following which Modi spent the most auspicious Hindu festival, Diwali, with his fellow countrymen who had suffered from devastating floods in the Muslim-majority Kashmir valley, while offering them unconditional aid for rebuilding and development. In striving towards implementing a governance model that would improve the lives of all Indians, Prime Minister Modi is slowly making faith-based identities redundant in public life, and if minority voting patterns are to go by, he is finding traction amongst minorities as well. This is causing widespread panic amongst two-nation theorists as can be witnessed from the endless stream of op-eds in many news publications criticizing Modi’s governance on the flimsiest grounds. Regardless of all the pseudo-liberal hoopla around the current government’s efforts towards highlighting the country’s rich past, the alleged Hindu-majoritarian government has continued to work on its election plank of sabka saath, sabka vikaas,development for all, appeasement to none.

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Appeasement to all, Security to none

Unsurprisingly, since the inauguration of the Modi government in May 2014, incidents of communal discord have largely emanated from areas where radicalization of minorities at the behest of pseudo-secular political parties and local religious fundamentalists has taken place unabated. That is, wherever local state administrations have implemented differential policies pandering to minority communities, be it Uttar Pradesh or West Bengal, there has been a complete breakdown of the law and order situation and it will only get progressively worse if left unchanged.

Harebrained policies implemented to appease a small set of religious fundamentalists have only served to embolden these fringe elements causing further schisms in the society. One can even argue that such policies lead to asymmetric incentive models for practicing a certain faith, a fluid identity, which leads to state-induced disequilibrium in the demography of a particular region. People who compare quotas for religious minorities with Affirmative Action in the West for racial minorities forget that race is not a fluid identity, religion is. Thus, for example, doles specifically for people who follow faith X, even if it’s only for the poorest of that faith, would lead to cheaper costs of living for them; therefore, creating an incentive for conversion to that fluid identity of faith, especially amongst the most down-trodden strata of our society. With a country of almost 400 million poor, this trend could, in a short period of time, exacerbate serious demographic changes causing unprecedented ruptures in our syncretic society.

Signs of such conflagration in violence can be seen across the world where policies have been designed rendering to faith-based identities. In Pakistan, the unrelenting scourge of cases where blasphemy laws have been misused to target communities have led to large scale violence. Thus, otherwise heterogeneous societies which forcibly restricted their constituent’s identities to a single faith, continue to get ravaged by sectarian violence. Violence that is forced upon them by religious fundamentalists looking to seek greater power over adherents of their respective faiths.

Since, religious identities are amorphous, in that, religion cannot accord the same lifestyle on people living in Arabian Peninsula compared to those in Siberia; there is no end to the Blackhole of determining which adherents perform the purer form of obeisance to a particular faith. Thus, violence based on faith-based identities has a trickle-down effect on different communities belonging to the same faith – as is happening in the ongoing Shiite and Ahmadi genocide in Sunni-majority Pakistan. Similarly, in Iraq and Syria, Kurd and Yazidi communities are facing genocidal persecution at the hands of religious fundamentalists who are seeking to discard ethnic similarities for religious identities.

Unfortunately the kind of violence the world community is beginning to witness in Iraq, serves as a constant reminder to Indians of their own bloody past, when religious zealots marauded our lands and laid waste to rich citadels, made slaves of its populace and drained them of all their wealth. Closer still is the memory of the persecution of Kashmiri Pandits in the late 1980s and early ‘90s, when the sovereign Indian state in its efforts to placate religious fundamentalists relinquished its administrative responsibilities, allowing faith-based identities to overpower the local cultural demography and destroy the region’s ancient heritage. Overnight thousands of Kashmiri Hindus were driven out of their multi-millennial homes and turned into refugees in their own country.

Similarly, Pakistan has unsuccessfully tried to reign in various ethnic uprisings by usurping local communities into its faith-based nation-state identity. Even though the Bengalis in East Pakistan declared independence from the Pakistani state in 1971, other rebellions in Baluchistan, Pakhtunkhwa, and Gilgit-Baltistan continue to remain on the boil and pull Pakistan deeper into its identity quagmire. While all these ethnic groups were similar in the God they worshiped, they were markedly different in their traditions, customs, culture, language, and their ethnic history. The only thing binding these cultures for thousands of years was the idea of belonging to a larger civilizational heritage, although not as assertive as faith, yet stronger in terms of assimilating the differences of varied communities.

Today, Pakistan’s rejection of its ancient ‘Hindu/ Indic’ civilizational identity has created a false sense of its proximity to the Arab culture of modern Islam, when in fact Pakistanis and Arabs share a culture that is as much alike, as Reagan’s idea of America was to Soviet Russia. Unfortunately for Pakistan, there are no remedies. The country was founded on a fallacy that was doomed since its inception. The idea that a narrow religion-based identity can trump all other cultural and historic differences never resonated with people of Akhand Bharat. Had Pakistan chosen a path that valued the syncretic nature of its inhabitant’s worldview it would not be ‘Pak’ or Pure for the fanatics who demanded the state in the first place, in that, it’d find it impossible to reconcile these multicultural ethos in a religious state whose fundamental basis is Religionan ideology that inherently treats its inhabitants differently on the basis of the faith they follow within their personal space.

Pakistan is at a crossroads, engulfed in sectarian violence internally, while its periphery gets repeatedly breached by local extremists as was seen in the Peshawar school attacks recently, a region where certain constituencies identify more closely with people who speak their language or share the same ethnicity, than their co-religionists elsewhere in Pakistan. This Pakistan faces a modern India – its bête noir in every sense, antithetical to the very idea of Pakistan that continues to show how people of different faiths and cultural idiosyncrasies can prosper together in peace, led by a leader whose majoritarian constituency instead of strengthening the idea of Pakistan, threatens to destroy the argument for separate nations altogether. Narendra Modi can go down in history as being a leader who underlined the importance of separating religion from state in an Asian context. His unapologetic reverence towards his Hindu-ness while his repeated impassioned appeals for sabka saath, sabka vikaas is an example of how state policies and personal faith are indeed separable.

Interestingly Modi’s path of ‘poverty alleviation and equal respect for all’ isn’t very different from the path that Pakistan’s founding fathers had envisioned. The fact that the Pakistani state has distanced itself as far away from its Indian roots as it currently has makes it impossible for it to return back to a syncretic society without completely unraveling itself. If Pakistan were to a make a conscious move towards such a syncretic society, its raison d’être vis-à-vis India would no longer prevail, i.e. the argument for a separate nation from India would no longer have validity. And that is the kind of existential challenge that Modi’s rise poses to Pakistan.

The key to India’s bright future

There are some who remain silent, But are sunk in deep surmise;

Yes, they will speak the truth, But when the price of truth is on the rise.

– Hakim Momin Khan Momin (1801 -1852)

In the face of much despondency around the world, the Indian electorate in the summer of 2014 offered some hope, by putting its weight behind a ‘liberal’ yet nationalist ideology of ‘Nation First, India First’. It showed the way to the rest of the world by choosing an ideology that seeks to form policies without differentiating between people for their fluid faith-based identities. The electorate chose a path which seeks to limit faith to the confines of the citizen’s homes, thereby rejecting an idea of policy-driven appeasement that sought to bring up one’s faith at every step in one’s life; whether it be for admission into educational institutes, filing for marriage laws, receiving fuel and food subsidies, or selectively differentiating between communal violence of adherents of different faiths[i].

The Narendra Modi-led Indian Government must take further steps to remove religion from all spheres of public life, by replacing narrow communal benefits with benefits aimed at empowering individuals. Firstly, the Modi government must come good on its election promise and establish a Uniform Civil Code for all communities as originally directed by the founders of the Indian Constitution. Something that Indian politicians have long delayed due to pressure from the chauvinist male clergy of Mullahs and Maulvis whose own powers would be severely diluted, if such a law giving Muslim women equal rights as their Hindu counterparts were to be introduced.

In addition, it is critical that the government revoke laws that benefit only certain groups and serve as inorganic conversion incentives for the downtrodden – who’s only hope of sustaining themselves becomes taking on an identity that is not their own for the purposes of receiving doles, thereby causing further schisms in society. The UPA administration has inundated all spheres of our public life with such schemes. One such example is education, wherein under Article 29 & 30 of the constitution of India as per the Right to Education Act passed by the UPA government, admission restrictions and requirements are placed on all schools, except those that are considered to be minority-run. By effectively making aided or unaided minority schools exempt from this law, the law has created disequilibrium of incentive structures wherein a minority school enjoys benefits without suffering the costs of the legislation. Research performed by education experts suggests that the law has led to a mushrooming of minority-only schools leaving students of other religious communities hapless in seeking primary education. This article by ‘Reality Check India’ is a must read to understand the grotesque situation in India’s educational sector: http://realitycheck.wordpress.com/2014/09/14/an-issue-of-public-notice-rights-in-minority-schools/.

Further, the government must also strengthen freedom of expression and speech laws which were crassly amended by the Indian State under its first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, under the first amendment to the Constitution of India. This along with repealing of draconian laws like 66A that target social media expression specifically, will go a long way in strengthening free speech and expression rights while ensuring that there is no scope for the introduction of irrational blasphemy laws in Indian civil life.

All these steps toward removing appeasement structures in our daily lives, will give a boost to communal harmony as the asymmetry in conversion incentives created by appeasement policies would be neutralized, leaving demographics dependent on personal choice instead of political action. However, the aforementioned legislations will require a lot of groundwork in terms of both judicial and police reforms, in addition to training of bureaucrats who remain ambivalent to individual rights against communal pressure systems. Thus, patience is fundamental.

It is imperative that Prime Minister Modi’s government stresses on the true secular nature of our country by legislating faith-neutral laws, empowering individual’s rights, and opposing demands from myopic politicians for communal doles. Our neighborhood serves as the best example for why strengthening individual rights is the need of the hour, and why de-linking policy-making from faith-based identities is crucial for the success of a modern globalized society. By empowering an individual and giving strength to personal freedoms, India will have truly experienced a tryst with destiny that could serve as an example for societies facing similar identity crisis.

Finally, those opposed to such moves of disbanding community targeting policies must be reminded of the consequences of similar appeals that took place in 1940s, and still if their memory doesn’t serve them right, the Modi government must ensure that it leaves the exit doors open for these people to enjoy the luxury of our neighboring country that was originally carved-out especially for those who chose this ideology of faith-based identity policies in 1947.

Reference

[i]http://www.academia.edu/4140837/COMMUNAL_VIOLENCE_BILL_A_FARCE_Those_who_forget_history_are_condemned_to_repeat_it_

[i] http://www.islamilm.com/2014/05/India-First-Mosque-World-Second-Oldest.html

[ii] http://judis.nic.in/supremecourt/imgst.aspx?filename=9303

[iii]http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/4410511?uid=3739912&uid=2&uid=4&uid=3739256&sid=21104544413401

Foreign Press on Prime Minister Modi

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Europe: ‘Blinded by Ideology’: Outlook Magazine (Click to read) 

“Instead of seeking to understand why Indians voted for the BJP in such great numbers, they are being presented as an irrational mob ‘misled and intimidated by a mammoth election campaign funded by big business’.”

Pakistan: ‘Demystifying India’s Modi-fication’: The Nation (Click to read)

“The Pakistani intelligentsia and political community is however, making itself conspicuous with little to no objective analysis of Indian elections. This indifference of Pakistan’s civil society and intelligentsia could be partly attributed to the general paranoia that surrounds us…”

Israel: ‘Terra Incognita: Why Modi matters’: Jerusalem Post (Click to read)

“The world needs more leaders like India’s incoming PM, not because of his checkered past, but because we need to not fear national, linguistic and religious pride and nation-states that respect their origins”

US: ‘Modi, India’s next Prime Minister, adopts a softer tone’: New York Times (Click to read)

“Narendra Modi, the son of a provincial tea seller, was overcome by emotion on Tuesday after members of his political group, the Bharatiya Janata Party, endorsed him as India’s next prime minister.”

But, Modi is a divisive man

Today at the cusp of the biggest democratic exercise in the world – the beginning of a six week long general election cycle in India, I study the claim: Narendra Modi – the BJP’s candidate and most likely to become the next Prime Minister of India – is a divisive man.

I come here to Expose Modi, not to Praise Him.

Many opponents of Narendra Modi argue that Muslims will be sidelined and ill-treated if Modi comes to power, yet data from the Congress government agencies suggests that Gujarat has the lowest percentage of Muslims living under the poverty line compared to any other state or national average.

But, Modi is a divisive man.

The Prime Minister of our Congress-led government has said that religious minorities have the “first claim of India’s resources”, the same Prime Minister wanted to pass a Communal Violence Bill, which did not recognize communal violence committed by minority communities against the majority community.

But, Modi is a divisive man.

The secular Sonia Gandhi recently appealed to the country’s minorities, mainly Muslims to stop the crucial minority vote-bank from splitting and to vote as a herd. She met with Muslim leaders and promised to make more policies that benefit the community specifically if elected to power

And Sonia Gandhi is a Secular leader – so this cannot be termed communal baiting of religion-based vote-banks.

The heartthrob of the Lutyens Delhi’s op-ed circuit, Sonia Gandhi, also told you that Modi was a “maut ka saudagar” a merchant of death. Yet the same Modi gave Dr. Sanjeev Balian, an agricultural scientist who gave shelter to more than 500 Muslim families during the recent riots in Western UP, a ticket to run for elections from the riot-affected Muzaffarnagar seat.

Still, Modi is a divisive man.

When Narendra Modi was attacked by terrorists in his Patna rally, and a bomb was found under the stage, Modi gave his supporters the message for peace and unity (http://goo.gl/cRoqL6). When Arvind Kejriwal faced protests in Gujarat, the workers of the AAP vandalized and attacked the BJP office in Delhi.

But, Modi is a divisive man.

The Congress, self-styled ‘liberals’, and their supporters never fail to paint BJP as a Hindu nationalist party with support only in the Hindi heartland region of India, yet the BJP is finding support from local parties and leaders in Christian Nagaland and Goa, historically communist West Bengal and Kerala, regional parties in Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Jammu & Kashmir and even Arunachal Pradesh.

But BJP is a communal party and an untouchable to non-Hindi speakers.

Congress has offered a few well-meaning folks like Nandan Nilekani to contest on its ticket, and they have reposed the faith in supporting a Rahul Gandhi led Congress government for the next five years. Within 24hours of deciding to contest on Congress ticket, Mr. Nilekani once the paragon of Indian entrepreneurship and business, demanded caste and religion-based reservations for minorities in private businesses – which he later clarified saying he meant public sector.

Either way Mr. Nilekani is a secular man now and can say anything his Congressi heart desires as long as he decides to walk around wearing this:

Other upstarts like the AAP are said to be fighting against corruption this election. Yet the AAP has not nominated any candidates or any of its well-known faces against the alleged fountainhead of corruption in India Mrs. Sonia Gandhi, the tainted chief minister of Maharashtra Ashok Chavan allegedly involved in the Adarsh Scam, the Minister that benefitted most from the multi-BILLION dollar 2G scandal A. Raja, amongst others.

But AAP is a noble party, led by the honorable Arvind Kejriwal.

The same AAP party has repeatedly stated its stand against corrupt and criminal representatives in the Parliament, yet Mr. Kejriwal of AAP has nominated a person with 28 criminal cases of rape, murder, arson and rioting from the violence-prone seat of Kandhamal, Orissa (AAP has since then taken back his candidacy but there are more examples: http://goo.gl/P7irJv ).  Another AAP candidate from Lucknow was caught bribing voters Rs. 1000 for their votes in the upcoming election.

But Arvind Kejriwal is an honorable man, leading his chaste party – AAP in fighting against the debauchery of Indian political system.

Arvind Kejriwal’s trusted lieutenant, Yogendra Yadav was recently caught giving controversial speeches while campaigning in Muslim majority districts of Western UP that recently saw riots flare-up. He boldly proclaimed that Modi was a religious baiter and his party caused the Muzaffarnagar riots – even though the Supreme Court appointed Special Investigation Team only charge-sheeted leaders of the BSP, SP and the Congress in connection with the riots. Yogendra Yadav went on to suggest that if Modi comes to power India will go through another partition.

And yet, Modi is a divisive man.

Narendra Modi’s trusted lieutenant Amit Shah recently asked the voters in polarized Western UP, to exact revenge on the leaders of the BSP, SP and Congress by pressing the button and exercising their fundamental right of voting, and not with swords. The President of the United States Barack Obama said the same words when he asked people to exact revenge on his rival candidate Romney last election by exercising their votes.

One of them was termed communal and divisive by the ‘liberals’, while the other has won a Nobel peace prize.

More than 700 religious and communal riots have taken place under the Congress’ regime. The Congress has ruled the country for approximately 60 years covertly or overtly, and still the conditions of the minorities have remained abysmal. While the BJP-led NDA government created 60.7 million jobs between 1999-2004, the Congress-led UPA government has created 15.4 million jobs between 2004-2012. Y-o-Y inflation has doubled during the period; while industrial growth has gone from 7.3% to -2% in 10 years since the BJP government.  I have already looked at the UPA government’s performance here: http://goo.gl/RAR1Ji .

But UPA is a secular front and hence its leaders, supporters, and ministers are absolved of all blame. And this here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PBsKZOV5LV0&feature=youtu.be&t=8m48s  is a divisive agenda.

For our self-proclaimed secularists the uniform civil code for all communities is divisive, annulment of article 370 that gives special status to a state that is part of the Union of India is divisive, restoring the past glory of India’s ancient civilization is communal. If these are all divisive policies, so be it – I am divisive and I support the policies of the BJP and its leader. This election, I am endorsing Modi to further true secularism – that separates the state from religion, I’m endorsing Modi to kickstart inclusive productive growth and development, to create more employment opportunities, and most importantly for a respite from the myopic vote-bank politics that has shamed and compromised our participatory democracy, while ensuring that India gets the governance that it needs at this precarious juncture. This election is a plebiscite on the politics of sabka saath, sabka vikas. And there may not be too many chances like this in the future.

A Treatise on Realpolitik de 2014

*This post was featured on Centre Right India on 02/17/2014: http://centreright.in/2014/02/treatise-on-realpolitik-de-2014/
**Click to access hyperlinks throughout the article

Foreword

According to the mainstream Indian media, there are currently three main political trends emerging across India today: the emergence of an anti-corruption party – the Aam Aadmi Party (“AAP”), rebranding of the incumbent Indian National Congress’ (“Congress”) along the lines of its new-found activist streak spearheaded by its leader Rahul Gandhi, and finally the nationwide mobilization of supporters of Bharatiya Janata Party’s (“BJP”) Prime Ministerial candidate – Narendra Modi, from heartland states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, to distant West Bengal, Kerala, Nagaland, and surprisingly even Jammu and Kashmir.

Although all three trends have been correctly acknowledged by the media, the argument that each is equally significant as the other is simply inaccurate or worse, propagandist.  What the liberal media fails to do is differentiate between the impacts of each of these trends, resulting in the creation of incorrect assertions about the probability of success of their respective outcomes. Case in point was the latest round of recently concluded Assembly elections in the heartland states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and of course Delhi.

These elections were a watershed moment in modern Indian politics, and the verdict was abundantly clear, as much as the mainstream media tried to obfuscate it – the most significant trend was that BJP under its firebrand nationalist leader, Narendra Modi was the biggest winner. The party received almost 72 lakh more votes than its nearest rival – the Congress. Yet, if you were to believe the media, results from the three states where the BJP performed spectacularly were hardly worth noting. The only result that mattered to them was the hung assembly of the most densely populated state in India – Delhi. AAP’s debut of winning 28 seats out of total 70 available seats was mighty impressive, but their seat tally was still less than the 31 seats BJP won (BJP lost six seats by a margin of less than 1000 votes). If there was ever a chance for an upstart party to emerge unexpectedly, it would have to be in the most densely populated state of India.

While campaigning in Delhi requires the support of small apartment societies, colony administrators and community meetups – mohalla sabhas (door-to-door campaigns); to take your message through spread-out districts in the desert state of Rajasthan, and densely forested, Naxal-infected Chhattisgarh is way more impressive. Winning by three-fourth majority is unheard of in today’s fractious electoral system, and to do that in one of the biggest states of the country where you’re a 10 year incumbent is absolutely astounding – like the BJP did in Madhya Pradesh. The message of the latest assembly elections, the last polls before the Grand Slam event of 2014 General Elections this summer, was that the BJP was the most desired political party, with its charismatic leader Narendra Modi at the forefront of this ‘saffron’ wave engulfing the country.

Realpolitik – de 2014

This brings me to the second part of this long overdue post. While we all have a set of core political, economic, and social beliefs that remain unchanged over time, i.e. ideology; there are times when one must make choices that are better for the greater good in the face of the realpolitik. For example, when I supported the Congress Party in the 2009 general election, it was because the previous Congress government (UPA I) had provided India with energy security (Indo-US Nuclear Deal), cushioned the economic recovery after the global recession and managed terrorism as effectively as any past governments had managed to do. Although this was completely against my core ideologies of secularism, free-market economics, privatization, etc., I believed the Congress party back then was best positioned and better prepared to tackle the issues at hand compared to the opposition BJP – which found itself vision-less and in complete disarray after Atalji’s retirement from politics,  with little chance to form the government (As was later found to be true – the party won its lowest vote share in more than 20 years).

Although I would have hoped for a utopian political alignment to form that would open retail, insurance, and defense industries to foreign investment, privatize railways (to the extent possible), ports and airports, increase spending on national security, reduce wasteful implementation of subsidy programs, usher in an era of nationalism and true secularism into our society’ fabric; there was no party in 2009 that could offer that, and definitely not the BJP at the time – the party I’m most ideologically aligned towards. And so the decision to support Congress was based on the realpolitik. I was too scared for a haphazard coalition government to form at the center with the support of Communist Parties when our nation was going through a precarious national security (26/11 aftermath) and fragile economic situation. The choice for a lesser evil at the time was between Congress and a hung parliament scenario with a nightmarishly weak socialist coalition government.

The aspiration of today’s realpolitik, a political wave – is that the electorate is ready to offer change a chance, without the threat of paralysis and instability of a hung parliament, but with the hope of good governance along with economic prosperity and inclusive development. If the main issues for this election are economic mismanagement, corruption, poor governance, political instability and weak leadership, who amongst the current crop of politicians as of February 2014, can address any if not all of these issues? Which politician has the acumen, a purpose, and most importantly the administrative experience to take these challenges head on and still have the vision to transform our nation? (Hint: Click to read)

For many, 2014 is a decision to choose the lesser evil. The incumbent Congress Party has realized that winning anything close to a majority 272+ seats in a parliament of 543 seats is almost impossible, in fact winning a meagre 100 seats should kick-off wild celebrations in the Nehru-Gandhi household. The choice today then is between the well-oiled engine of BJP’s 272+ mission, one that has presented clarity in vision and decisive execution, versus a hung parliament scenario with an undecided leader, unclear vision, uninitiated responsibility, that will eventually lead India to an uncertain future.

The party with a difference

Between 1998-2004, under the able stewardship of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the BJP government built more roads than were built in all the other years since 1947… combined! Vajpayee led India to a decisive victory in the 1999 Kargil War against Pakistan, strengthened nation’s sovereignty with the establishment of a nuclear weapons defense program, and most importantly clocked higher GDP growth rates than many developing countries in the world, with careful implementation of fiscal consolidation –this in spite of the economic sanctions that were placed by the western world in response to India’s nuclear tests. There were fewer internal disturbances during BJP’s tenure and strong anti-terror laws were passed (later annulled by Congress) to curb the growing threat from religious fundamentalists in the wake of 9/11. The BJP also had the first ever divestment ministry to remove government from the business of doing business, while being instrumental in beginning the process of privatization of ports and airports, introduction of the Lokpal, Right to Information and Sarva Shiksha Abhiyaan.

Image

In states where it is in power, the BJP has a stellar track record of good governance, greater economic freedom, inclusive growth, and it may come a as surprise to some but a largely peaceful environment of religious freedom without state interference. The states of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Punjab consistently rank amongst the best states in Human Development Index rankings, economic growth, ease of doing business, agricultural and manufacturing growth, infrastructure development, and employment opportunities. BJP’s Chief Ministers are either talented professionals with engineering and medicine backgrounds or grassroots leaders who emerged as ardent volunteer workers ‘sangh pracharaks, dedicating their lives to serve the people of their country. It might come as a surprise to an avid mainstream media viewer, but it was, in fact, the BJP that gave the country its first IIT-graduate Chief Minister, in the state of Goa – Manohar Parikkar. For all the witch-hunting by the ‘liberal’ mainstream media in India, the BJP may well be the party with a difference as it claims to be.

Rabble-Rousers

In 2014, the side contesting the BJP constitutes parties who are either still in the process of forming their base-ideology and governance vision, fanning pseudo-secularism, or worse wasting critical government resources on bone-headed policies and schemes that are destined to leave the economies of their respective states in shambles for many years to come. In Uttar Pradesh and Kerala, vote-bank serving governments are introducing religion-based subsidies and quotas that are reminiscent of the regressive Jaziya tax on majority communities, applied by religious persecutionists of the Mughal era. West Bengal’s Trinamool government has created such a massive welfare state that has made even the Communists, who ruled Bengal for 30 years before her, look like champions of free-market capitalism.

Meanwhile for Congress, it seems like Rahul Gandhi – the party’s heir apparent, has already given up any hope of forming the next government. His constant refrain of improving the Congress party from within, empowering poor, and establishing internal democracy has given stand-up comics a lot of material but will take years to actually fructify – that is if the scion is serious about these lofty ideals. His are ideas that can transform the Congress party from being a vote-bank oriented mai-baap party to a credible alternative to BJP’s center-right model. But again, this will not happen overnight and definitely not in the next 50 days. Rahul Gandhi must spend his time in the looming opposition resurrecting the grand old party of India, so that it can, one day, take over a further developed nation from the BJP and implement welfare policies that a (moderately) rich country can afford.

The party in news though is Arvind Kejriwal’s Aam Aadmi Party. While the earnest nature of AAP’s rise is commendable, its supporters and well-wishers must understand that a country doesn’t run on good intentions alone. The chaotic 50 days of AAP’s stab at governance in Delhi, were a great example of how a vision-less contrarian party with activists running the show end up providing a guerrilla form of hit-and-run governance, which is not only unsustainable but also a recipe for disaster in a country the size of India.

AAP kataar mein hain

But there is a long way to go before AAP can represent the aspirational class that it believes it presently does. It must work hard to establish and grow its fundamental grassroots level structure, expand its vision – making it broader than just a ‘Ram Baan’ medicine of Lokpal that it believes will solve all our problems. Most importantly, AAP must find leaders from within its young new supporters, and distance itself from the current crop of failed journalists, naxal-backing social activists, and rabble-rousing mob leaders – suddenly tasked with administrating a constituency of millions of people. All this while acquitting itself of any subterfuge, be it its curious relationship with the left-liberal US based Ford Foundation or its stone cold silence on corruption charges against the Gandhi family. India’s ‘liberal’ hero – PB Mehta even argued in his recent article that the existence of Plutocracy and corruption isn’t the only problem ailing India (read the article). There is a fear of governance paralysis, a clear weariness to agitation, and a growing fear of joblessness and economic doom. Taking on Plutocracy is a marathon, not a sprint, AAP’s dramatic fracas week after week has only exacerbated this fear of constant agitation and government paralysis.

AAP’s time will come and when it does, it may even lead to the transformation of our country to the utopian society I discussed earlier – one that is removed from the influence of crony-capitalists, fixers, middlemen, ridding us of the Plutocratic society that our current democracy has come to represent. But that day is still in the pipeline, the idea in its infancy and will not be ready in the next 50 days.

AAP has successfully created a potent ecosystem for disenchanted youth and honest bureaucrats to be the change they have wished to see in the country. Now is the time to nurture this ecosystem. AAP needs to strengthen this support and channelize it so that India can possibly have three governance alternatives come 2019. But it seems like the current AAP leadership is in some sort of hurry, may be it thinks a Modi-led BJP government will dilute the strength of its support, or maybe it is in reality a concatenation of closet Congressis who can obviously not air their support for Congress under current circumstances, and would never have voted for the BJP anyway. Whatever is the case, PB Mehta summarized it well when he said that the AAP had the opportunity to “tap into a prosecutorial instinct we are developing against plutocracy, but also to demonstrate a steady trustworthiness in governance”. It blew it, and today stands woefully exposed in front of those that gave laid their hopes on the ‘new paradigm’.

Mission 272+

The realpolitik of 2014 will have many twists and turns up until May, but it is clear that no party this time around has all the answers to our nation’s problems. For some, there is again a choice to be made for the lesser evil. But this time around we have a strong alternative in Narendra Modi – an alternative that is credible, experienced, visionary, and perhaps the only one capable of pulling India out of its current mess, with ideas that may even reroute us back on the path to double-digit growth. The choice is between the hope of a stable government enacting policies that usher in renewed growth, kickstart the investment cycle, remove uncertainty for foreign investors, lower inflation by removing supply-side bottlenecks, or a pack of rabble-rousers in a fragmented realpolitik pulling the nation in a thousand different directions.

2014 will also be an opportunity for voters to affirm that development and good governance deserve a chance over politics of vote-bank pandering and endless government activism. There exists today an alternative to the current malaise, one that envisions harnessing of renewable sources of energy, building 100 satellite urban centers, unshackling infrastructure and power reforms, while decentralizing power for aid development. The alternative wants “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikaas“; and I believe it is time for the populace to unite under Mission 272+ and answer the call of realpolitik de 2014: that of choosing Development for all, Appeasement to none ( link).

Hindutva & The Indian Political Landscape

Hinduism is a set of ancient principles, theological ideas, and traditions, bound by moral values and philosophies, that continue to guide billions of people around the world even today. Hindutva is an ideology that aims to promote and sustain the Hindu/ Indian/ Bharatiya way of life. Many define Hindutva as a form of militant Hinduism, but for V.D. Savarkar, the man who coined the term, Hindutva presented an identity to the people living east of the River Indus, those who considered India to be their “pitrabhumi as well as punyabhumi”. Those who consider India to be their Fatherland as well as Holy land are deemed Hindus. Someone who considered India to be its pitrabhumi (Fatherland) would have incentive in the well being of the country and would support actions that were in the interest of the same. Since modern India was a secular nation, the concept of punyabhumi was no longer relevant. Thus, a bastardized form of this concept is today referred to as Nationalism or Jingoism. In short, Hindutva in today’s age is Hindu Nationalism or simply Nationalism of and for those who originate from the geographical region that is Hindustan/ India.

What I am implying as a result is that, Hindutva is an ideology that focuses on the betterment of the Indian society, whether through the advancement of Dharmic ideas and beliefs or through the defense of the Hindu society from the onslaught of foreign militant cultures and beliefs (who do not consider India to be their Fatherland). Recently though in the Indian political landscape, the term Hindutva has unfortunately come to represent a negative connotation of communalism – a polarization of communities across religious lines.  Hindutva, instead, is an ideology that advances the interests of the nation, India as a whole and not that of a particular community specifically.

In advancing the interests of the nation, proponents of Hindutva suggest policies like Uniform Civil Code for all communities regardless of caste, religion or race and the abolition of Article 370 that gives special status to Jammu & Kashmir, an integral part of the Union of India. Ban on Cow slaughter (arguably unconstitutional), as well as a ban on religious conversion are other policies some proponents of Hindu Nationalism support to protect themselves from foreign cultures.  Although some of these policies infringe on personal liberties of individuals in a free society, but maligning them by coupling them with the term communalism is simply adventurous. Communalism is when one community sets to benefit from a particular policy decision made by the state. When state and religion intermingle to form policies that benefit only a few, it is considered communalism. Thus, it’s ironic that the oft-repeated phrase of communal politics continues to be associated with the most fervent opponent of such appeasement – the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

In every election since its inception, the BJP has sought to promote this idea of Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikaas (Together we grow as one). This is the reason why the BJP wishes to derecognize the special status given to J&K within the Union of India under Article 370. It believes that it is unconstitutional to have two flags and two power centers in a Republic. This is also the reason why the BJP refuses to accept the Congress Government’s minority quotas, as these quotas are unconstitutional by the way of their discrimination based on fluid religious identities. The government has no business in knowing the religion of an individual as it does not provide governance based on the individual’s belief system, the government is a sovereign that must deem all its subjects equal. The BJP must present this point of view and take inspiration in what the political philosopher Locke describes as Secularism:  “I esteem it above all things necessary to distinguish exactly the business of civil government from that of religion, and to settle the just bounds that lie between the one and the other.”

Hence, Hindutva isn’t necessarily a divisive ideology as the mainstream English news media would want us to believe. It is in fact an ancient ideology based on the ideals of nationalism and preservation of one’s cultural identity in a way that provides liberty and freedom to the individual. Although the Ram JamnaBhoomi Movement of the early 1990s in India is commonly referred to as the Hindutva movement, there is a stark contrast between the two. While Hindutva is an ideology espoused by Veer Savarkar, a movement that is somewhat of a renaissance, an ideology of new ideas offering to bring back the glory and honor of being a native of Hindustan (nationalism), Ram Janmabhoomi was a reactive movement that received nationwide acceptance due to the discriminatory actions of the then Rajiv Gandhi government. The handling of the Shah Bano case amongst many others were seen as clear indication of the Congress government’s pandering of Muslim minority vote-bank for electoral gains. As a result, far-right Hindu fundamentalist organizations gained widespread popularity and united a confused electorate in a post-Mandal era. Comparing the Ram Janmabhoomi movement (RJM) to Hindutva would therefore be wrong as RJM was reactive and did not originate as an ideology of original ideas. The movement was only a by-product, a reaction to the policies and appeasement of the then Congress government, easily usurped by politicians trying to find a foothold on the national scene who presented demolishing of a mosque structure as some sort of victory of Hindus over the appeased Muslims.

There is no doubt that the BJP supports construction of a Ram Mandir at the Babri site, but it is a policy that is a subset of its overarching nationalist ideology of Hindutva. While at a time the BJP believed the Ram Mandir was the epitome of India’s cultural identity and had to be constructed to restore the national glory and honor, it must now mature into a political party that understands that economic development and individual liberties are just as important to promote cultural nationalism and assertiveness amongst the youth in being a part of an Indian renaissance. Development, fiscal prudence, liberal economics, reforms, and equality are pillars of future growth and wealth creation –  things the Indian youth of today desires more than anything else. A fast growing economy that lifts millions out of poverty, while raising per capita incomes and standard of living across the country, gives the youth pride in being an Indian, a Bharatiya, or a resident of the Hindu Rashtra. It makes them proud of their Fatherland, their pitrabhumi.

If the BJP demonstrates Hindutva to be an ideology of cultural nationalism, it will be able to align itself more closely with the biggest electorate of the 2014 general elections – its Youth. Led by a dynamic leader, coupled with a reform-driven economic agenda and an aggressive foreign policy, this strategy is bound to yield positive results for the biggest opposition party come summer 2014, while still presenting a nationalist alternative to the current government.

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